1,602 research outputs found

    A little discourse on method(s). European Policy Brief No. 2, June 2011

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    Especially after the entry into force and subsequent implementation of the Lisbon Treaty, the traditional distinction (and opposition) between the so-called 'community' and 'inter-governmental' methods in EU policy-making is less and less relevant. Most common policies entail a 'mix' between them and different degrees of mutual contamination. Even the 'Union method' recently proposed by Chancellor Angela Merkel raises more questions than it solves – although it may trigger a constructive debate on how best to address today's policy challenges

    Financiación de la Política Europea de Seguridad y de Defensa (PESD)

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    Un ángulo crucial desde el que enfocar las limitaciones actuales de la PESD es el relativo a su financiación. Afecta tanto a las capacidades como a las operaciones, y también resulta de importancia para cualquier futuro “grupo central” que pueda estar interesado en seguir adelante con dicha política. La Convención Europea va a centrarse en cómo mejorar las disposiciones “constitucionales” en este ámbito y, de nuevo, se espera que las principales novedades conciernan más a la PESD que a la PESC propiamente dicha. Por lo que respecta a esta segunda, el problema está claro: las cuestiones de “alta política” afectan más directamente a la soberanía y los poderes de los ministerios y gobiernos electos, y los desacuerdos en torno a las políticas (especialmente en torno a cómo tratar con Washington) sólo empeoran las cosas. En cuanto a la primera, sin embargo, los retos inmediatos de la acción y los imperativos de eficacia (independientemente de la escasa envergadura de las operaciones actuales) presionan a los dirigentes nacionales y europeos para que adopten una fórmula de cooperación. Si la PESD quiere demostrar su relevancia y, quizás, también influir positivamente en la PESC, debe fijar los incentivos políticos e institucionales adecuados para una acción común. Los recursos financieros son escasos, las capacidades adecuadas limitadas y la voluntad política intermitente, y ello en el mejor de los casos

    The evolution of enhanced cooperation in the EU: from EnCo to PeSCo (2009-2019). Bruges Political Research Paper 80/2020.

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    This paper provides an analysis of the way(s) in which the intent(s) and design(s) of a multi-speed Europe have evolved and have been applied in practice since the mid-1990s. Part 1 focuses on the drive toward differentiation in the discussion in the 90s and points to Economic and Monetary Union as its first (albeit implicit) case in point. Part 2 discusses how the Lisbon Treaty framed ‘enhanced cooperation’. Part 3 offers an overview of the of the few specific cases so far in which those provisions have been triggered and used (family law, patent, taxation, European Public Prosecutor Office). Section 4 then zooms in on the configuration especially designed for defence: Permanent Structured Cooperation (PeSCo) – and the way in which it has been first activated, while Section 5 analyses its implementation. Finally, the paper presents a comparative assessment of these tools and their use to date. It highlights their correlation with one another as well as the original intent of facilitating differentiated integration within the EU

    The Treaty of Lisbon: A Second Look at the Institutional Innovations

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    This book examines the institutional innovations that are gradually being introduced as a result of the Treaty of Lisbon

    The Treaty of Lisbon: Implementing the Institutional Innovations. CEPS Special Reports, November 2007

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    After a long period of internal introspection and deadlock over the Constitutional Treaty, the EU can now see some light at the end of the tunnel. If successfully ratified, the new European Treaty agreed by the Head of States and Government in Lisbon may provide the appropriate institutional tools for the EU to function with 27 member states. However, the success of institutional innovations depends not only on legal provisions, but also on the way in which the provisions are implemented. Indeed, even a cursory examination indicates that the implementation of the new proposals is unlikely to be easy, and in some cases could be a source of serious difficulties in the future. In the absence of serious analysis aimed at this latter question, three Brussels-based think-tanks have joined forces in a collaborative effort to fill this gap. Our aim is to highlight potential problems and, where possible, to suggest ways to avoid or attenuate their negative effects. The analysis has focused on seven main institutional and policy domains: the European Parliament, the European Commission, the Presidency of the Council, the qualified majority voting in the Council, the role of national Parliaments, enhanced cooperation and foreign policy. These issues have been intensively debated in working groups composed of researchers, external experts, and practitioners in the field. This report reflects the substance of that collective effort
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